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Safic-Alcan Announces Extension of Distribution Agreement With PMC Organometallix

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Safic-Alcan, a global specialty chemicals distributor headquartered in Paris La-Défense (France), announced the extension of its distribution agreement with PMC Organometallix Inc. to the African continent.

PMC Organometallix, Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary of PMC Group, N.A., Inc. has expanded its distribution agreement with Safic-Alcan to include the African continent. Effective immediately, Safic-Alcan will serve as an authorized distributor of PMC Organometallix’s FASCAT® catalysts and fine chemicals.

FASCAT® catalysts are inorganic and organometallic tin compounds providing optimal conversion and curing characteristics – making these organometallic materials essential in a wide variety of applications. FASCAT® catalysts are used in the manufacture of synthetic lubricants, monomeric and polymeric ester synthesis, automotive e-coat, crosslinking of siloxanes, urethanes and chemical intermediates.

“Building on our successful partnership with Safic-Alcan in continental Europe, we are pleased to extend our collaboration with Safic-Alcan to the African continent. Expanding our catalyst sales to the African market stems from our aim to grow our FASCAT® business in new markets in EMEA region where Safic-Alcan’s local presence, network and resources can have a considerable contribution to our growth,” stated Yanal Shekem, Regional Sales Director, EMEA at PMC.

“Our companies have built a successful cooperation in Europe, and we are excited to further strengthen this existing partnership and write with PMC Organometallix a new chapter in Africa. We are confident FASCAT® catalysts will allow our technical sales teams to enhance our regional product offering and better serve our African customers,” stated Jean-Marie Schmuck, Business Development Director Coatings and Construction at Safic-Alcan.

Fundacio Fluidra Unveils Plans to Build A “Social Pool” in Senegal

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Fundacio Fluidra

Fundació Fluidra has announced it will undertake a new project consisting of building a swimming pool at a school in Thiaroye, on the outskirts of Senegalese capital Dakar, with the aim of helping over 2,000 children from the city learn to swim.

The project will be implemented through the partnership between KAG25 (a corporate vehicle channeling aid in Senegal), Fundació Fluidra, Fluidra Export, and Sensec, a local construction firm and Fluidra customer. Fundació Fluidra will fund the project, Fluidra Export will supply the necessary materials, and Sensec will be tasked with building it.

The pool will be semi-Olympic in size (25 x 12.5 meters), enabling all types of activities, including swimming competitions. It will be fitted with the latest connectivity technologies, optimizing operation, maintenance, and efficiency.

The pool managers will be able to tap all the related metrics to make it more sustainable and safer. A connected pool simplifies maintenance and facilitates social action.

The plan has been developed from the previous links between Fundació Fluidra and the Écoles Pies of West Africa partnering through the KAG25 joint venture to provide job training in intensive farming in the Karang region. Fundació Fluidra is aligned with UN Sustainable Development Goals 1, 2, 3, 4, and 8.

“We are building the pool to help as many children and young people as possible learn to swim and give them tools that could save their lives,” said Fundació Fluidra president Joan Planes.

A report from the World Health Organization says drowning is one of the top 10 causes of death for children across the world. It also puts death rates by drowning at 15 to 20 times higher in Africa than Europe.

With projects like this, Fundació Fluidra aims to boost the concept of the “social pool” that seeks to improve society through enjoyment of a swimming pool, in line with the Fluidra mission to “create the perfect pool and wellness experience responsibly”.

Is Africa Where the Next Climate Crisis Showdown Will Happen?

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Murchison Falls Game Park

This week French energy giant Total became the latest global target for the Fridays for Future Climate Strikes, when protesters attacked it for human rights violations, greenwashing, and ecocide connected with its destructive fossil fuel projects across Africa.

Total was under attack throughout the past week in protests across Africa for its leadership position in driving three major threats to global warming and the environment. Though the company has been involved in African fossil fuel projects for some time, the latest attacks were for the company’s new triple-threat leadership of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline Project, the Tilenga Development Project which will ravage the environment through major drilling in dozens of locations throughout Uganda, and the Mozambique Liquefied Natural Gas project.

The East African Crude Oil Pipeline Project (EACOP), if it is allowed to be built, will bring 230,000 barrels of crude oil every day from drilling areas in western Uganda’s Lake Albert region to Tanga, the Tanzanian port city located on the Indian Ocean. If the protesters fail in their efforts to force Uganda’s hand to stall the pipeline, it will feature the world’s largest electrically heated pipeline and will run almost 900 miles (1,450 kilometers) across much ecologically sensitive terrain. The total cost of this project is estimated at $3.5 billion.

According to environmentalist studies, the pipeline will impact some 770 square miles (2,000) square kilometers of currently protected land in the region. An estimated one-quarter of that land is currently the home of endangered species such as African savanna elephants, lions, and eastern chimpanzees. Within Tanzania, the pipeline also travels through seven forest preserves and the Wembere Steppe, an important biodiversity habitat, as well as now at-risk marine areas near the Tanga port.

Despite the obvious toxic nature of the project, Total says the EACOP development will “generate a positive net impact on biodiversity,” something even Total’s business partners have not had the audacity to suggest.

“Imagine a tropical version of the Alaskan oil pipeline, only longer,” wrote environmental author Fred Pearce about EACOP. “And passing through critical elephant, lion, and chimpanzee habitats and 12 forest reserves, skirting Africa’s largest lake, and crossing more than 200 rivers and thousands of farms before reaching the Indian Ocean—where its version of the Exxon Valdez disaster would pour crude oil into some of Africa’s most biodiverse mangroves and coral reefs.”

As the EACOP project became more of a reality, in 2017 the World Wide Fund for Nature Uganda group also called out the pipeline as “likely to lead to significant disturbance, fragmentation, and increased poaching within important biodiversity and natural habitats.”

A report from the NGO Osfam published in 2020 said the pipeline “will cross poor, rural communities in both Uganda and Tanzania that lack the political and financial capital of the project stakeholders.”

Unfortunately for those poor who will be disproportionately affected by what is happening, Oxfam continued, there are unfortunately “lopsided complications of this power dynamic [which are]…well-documented in similar extractive industry projects.”

“Powerful companies are often able to hide their operations behind local contractors and permissive government authorities,” the report went on. “Often the only hope that local communities have for remediation or justice is through local government bodies that are often weak, fragile, or captured by corporate and national interests.”

As one Ugandan farmer in Rakai located near the Tanzanian border said in an interview recently, “when this pipeline project came, they promised us too many things. Up to now they have done nothing.”

The project is also expected to cause breaches of the divide between human populations and those of the natural species they share the land with at this time.

“We have always had a problem of human-wildlife conflict in the village,” said Elly Munguryeki, a farmer who lives on the borders of Murchison Falls National Park, in an interview with reporters just a few weeks ago.

“With drilling and road construction across the park, the invasions are more frequent,” Munguryeki added. “We keep reporting the losses to park authorities but nothing happens. Each night a herd of buffalo, baboons, and hippos from the park would invade my farm and neighboring plots and eat our crops until dawn. Whatever they left would be eaten by baboons and wild pigs during the day, forcing us to harvest premature crops.”

Total responds to criticism like this by claiming it carefully crafted the route of the pipeline to “minimize the number of residents relocated,” which NGOs and local residents dismiss as total fantasy.

In an April 2021 report published by the online news source Mongabay, on the human side of the equation alone an estimated 12,000 families will be kicked off their homeland to make room for yet another major and unneeded fossil fuel project.

The second target of the protesters’ ire is the Tilgenga Oil Fields Development Project. Already well under way, if this project is allowed to finish construction, involves the construction of 400 environmentally-risky water injector and projection wells in six major oil fields across Uganda, plus a central processing facility and almost 100 miles (160 kilometers) of flowline infrastructure to interconnect the system. Those oil fields are located in Jobi-Rii, Ngiri, Gunya, Kasemene-Wahrindi, Kigogole-Ngara, and Nsoga. 31 well pads at those fields will be used as the base for the new wells.

The various fields are positioned in various locations not far from the Victoria Nile River. The Jobi-Rii field is just north of it and the others are on its southern end. Part of the project will take place in the rich biodiverse lands of Murchison Falls National Park.

The central processing field, located in the Ngwedo sub-county of the Buliisa distrct, will process an estimated 190,000 barrels of oil a day via a separation process which will extract the oil from a mix of water and gas. The gas, which is likely to dump significant carbon emissions into the atmosphere as the mix is processed, will be used to produce electricity to run the facility. The used water which is separated off from the oil will be re-injected into the oil fields.

The Tilenga Oil Fields Development Project is a joint effort by Total SE, a division of Total France, the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), and the Uganda National Oil Company (UNOC).

The third major effort in Total’s plans in Africa that the protesters went after yesterday was its $20 billion liquefied natural gas project planned for Mozambique. Total bought a $3.9 billion stake in the project in 2019 and had hoped to begin exporting the LNG fuel by the end of 2024. Even the first phase of this initiative is expected to produce greater than 13 million tons of LNG per year.

Total ended up suspending work on the LNG processing and distribution program in Mozambique after a March 2021 attack which happened to be in the same area where construction of the LNG infrastructure was taking place. The attack was from militants linked to the Islamic State and had nothing to do with  LNG protests.

Total expects to continue work on this project when the violence eases up.

It because of the combined greed, corruption, and mass ecological damage that Total and its co-conspirators in governments on the continent, in partnership with China, and with local industrial partners, that protests against Total grew hot this past week throughout Africa.

The peak of the protests took place on Tuesday, celebrated annually as Africa Day, as a reminder to all of what is at stake as Total’s activities continue to deploy.

Protests took place in various-sized gatherings at Total petrol stations in Benin, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Egypt, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Togo, and Uganda.

Andre Moliro, an activist from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said to reporters much of what sums up the anger and frustration Africans have with the damage Total is creating in multiple regions on the continent.

“Total’s fossil fuel developments pose grave risks to protected environments, water sources, and wetlands in the Great Lakes and East Africa regions,” he said.

“Communities have been raising concerns on the impact of oil extraction on Lake Albert fisheries and the disastrous consequences of an oil spill in Lake Victoria, that would affect millions of people that rely on the two lakes for their livelihoods, watersheds for drinking water, and food production,” he continued.

The protests are proceeding, despite the Uganda government actively supporting its oil drilling partners via police actions against anyone who might stand in the way of bringing the landlocked Uganda its expected billions of new revenues from the various projects in that country.

On May 24, for example, police in Buliisa arrested Ugandan human rights defender Maxwell Atuhura, who also works with  the African Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO), and Federica Marsi, an Italian journalist, just as both were on their way to meet with local community members.

AFIEGO is one of several NGOs who have sued Total for its environmental crimes within Africa.

Journalist Marsi was released from custody later the same day he was arrested. Police authorities directed him to get out of the oil region immediately, threatening him with the warning that he should do so “before bad things happen.”

Atuthura is still in the hands of the police. The World Organization Against Torture has issued a global demand for help to ensure Atuthura’s immediate and safe release.

Despite the risks to their own personal safety, the urgency and seriousness of the cause is what keeps the protesters speaking up.

“We cannot drink oil, said Venessa Nakate, founder of the Rise Up Movement and an Ugandan climate justice activist. “This is why we cannot accept the construction of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline. It is going to cause massive displacement of people [and the] destruction of ecosystems and wildlife habitats.”

“We have no future in extraction of oil because it only means destroying the livelihoods of the people and the planet,” Nakate continued. “It is time to choose people above pipelines. It is time to rise up for the people and the planet.”

Black Soldier Fly Sanitation Startup in Kenya to Produce Food for Fish and Livestock

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Black Soldier Fly

Sanergy, a U.S.-owned company based in Nairobi, Kenya, just received a $2.5 million investment from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) for a unique “circular economy” sanitation operation.

The company operates by first gathering organic waste from public markets, restaurants, and local farms, along with excrement to create a biowaste mass.

Then it adds larvae from black soldier flies to the mix. They feed on the waste and break it down without the need for added chemicals or toxic materials.

The resulting biowaste is then converted into multiple forms. Among them are:

An Insect Feed called KuzaPro

An organic crop fertilizer. It is currently being sold and distributed throughout Kenya.

Biomass briquettes for use in industrial boilers and other heating solutions.

Sanergy began its first test organics recycling facility in Kenya’s capitol of Nairobi in 2015. That facility processes around 12,000 tons of biowaste annually. It also produces insect feed along the same lines as the new investment will make possible. In 2021 it is the largest insect feed plant in East Africa

The company was launched in 2009 by three Massachusetts Institute of Technology students. Their goal was to provide a more hygienic and affordable solution to sanitation even for those living in Nairobi’s urban slums.

Sanergy is positioned well for growth in this type of industry. With its urban base in Nairobi on its way to growing to a population of 5.94 million in 2030, according to investor JICA the amount of biowaste it produces should increase from 1,848 tons/day to 3,990 tons per day. That represents a 116% increase in less than a decade.

In announcing its new investment in Sanergy, Shohei Hara, JICA’s director general of Private Sector Partnership and Finance, expressed excitement about the opportunities for the new enterprise.

“We are thrilled to expand Sanergy’s pioneering circular economy model which solves multiple social problems, such as waste management, sanitation, agricultural productivity and food security, that most countries in Africa commonly face,” he said.

“JICA will continue to develop partnerships with wider stakeholders in tackling with these social problems,” Hara continued.

Tight Window of Opportunity for Ethiopian Farmers Could Be Missed Without Funding

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Impending occasional rains in hunger-stricken northern Ethiopia provide a slim chance for farmer to get a yield in the ground and restart local food production, yet without funding this tight window of opportunity could be missed.

Following a visit to Ethiopia to assess the situation, FAO Director of Emergencies and Resilience, Rein Paulsen said: “Many farmers have been stripped of productive assets like seeds, animals, or tools due to looting, or saw their sources of credit disappear and seed markets disappear. As a result, local food production has been brought to a virtual standstill,” he said.

“The rural communities who play a critical role in keeping northern Ethiopia fed, urgently need support if they are going to manage to get seeds in the ground ahead of the impending short rains.

Each seed they plant represents a brick in a firewall against famine. But to get them those seeds, we need more financial support and improved access,” Paulsen added.

In addition to lost agricultural assets, the state of core basic services across northern Ethiopia is impeding relief efforts. Electricity and fuel are lacking, cash and credit are not to be found, and there is only one functional road in and out of the region, noted Paulsen.

FAO has urgently appealed for $30 million to reach nearly 1.2 million of the most food insecurity people in northern Ethiopia. To date, just $6.2 million have been pledged.

On top of cereal seeds, the Organization also aims to distribute fast-growing vegetable seeds and poultry starter kits so that families have a low cost and easy to maintain source of backyard produce and meat and eggs.

Alarming trends in food insecurity driving up needs

The conflict commenced at the peak of what would have been the main Maher season harvest, before many households had the opportunity to harvest their crops. An estimated 90 percent of the harvest was lost, while 15 percent of the region’s 17 million life-sustaining livestock were reported looted or slaughtered.

The most recent Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) analysis, determined that at least 353 000 people in the region were already experiencing famine-like (Catastrophe) levels of acute food insecurity in Tigray state alone. The IPC is a global, multipartner initiative, comprised of 15 UN agencies, regional organizations, and international non-governmental organizations, that facilitates improved decision-making through the provision of consensus-based food insecurity and malnutrition analysis. (Learn more about IPC indicators for acute food insecurity.)

All told, over 60 percent of the population in Tigray and the neighbouring zones of Amhara and Afar, more than 5.5 million people, are now coping with Crisis, Emergency, or Catastrophe levels of hunger (IPC 3, 4 and 5) and are at high risk of quickly sliding into starvation without support.

Agriculture reboot critical, but underfunded

Although the majority (80 percent) of people in northern Ethiopia depend on subsistence agriculture, so far very little financial support has been allocated to agricultural interventions that can help at-risk families resume productive activity and produce food for themselves and their communities.

The crises in Ethiopia is part of a disturbing wave of surging acute food insecurity around the globe, driven by  a toxic mix of pre-existing threats like conflict, climate shocks, and economic disruptions compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic.

In addition to northern Ethiopia, some communities in southern Madagascar, South Sudan, and Yemen are in likelihood enduring famine-like or “famine-likely conditions.” Around 41 million people globally are now in emergency levels of food insecurity and at high risk of plummeting into famine if hit with another external shock.

Climate Crisis Mitigation Plans Discussed in Africa-Wide Virtual Conference

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Africa Conference

On September 14, national leaders from Africa came together in a virtual forum to discuss how best to adapt to the extreme weather events global heating has brought to the continent.

While Africa may only be responsible for just 3% of global carbon emissions, it is suffering from a much larger-than-fair share of the problems as global temperatures increase.

World leaders from Ghana and Nigeria, with guidance from United Nations officials also present, met last Tuesday to discuss how best to deal with the growing reality that the climate crisis is going to hurt Africa likely worse – and sooner – than in most other continents on the planet.

For further details on the event, please see the article, “Africa Virtual Conference Focuses on Impacts of Global Heating,” available via the Trillions Intelligence Network.

GE To Supply Gas Power Generation Equipment for 300 MW Power Plant in Senegal

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GE announced that it has secured an order to supply gas power generation equipment for West Africa Energy’s 300 megawatt (MW) combined-cycle power project in Cap des Biches, Dakar, Senegal.

Upon completion, the Cap des Biches plant will be the biggest power plant in the country and is expected to generate nearly 25% of the power consumed, providing the equivalent electricity needed to power up to 500,000 Senegalese homes.

The plant is expected to begin operations in phases starting in 2022, enhancing universal access to electricity and supporting the Senegalese Government’s target to increase its generation capacity with a greater utilization of natural gas and renewables.

“We are pleased to collaborate with GE to deliver reliable and efficient gas turbines to Senegal, aligned with the country’s strategy on gas to power under the leadership of President Macky Sall to develop the energy sector that will be critical for the development of strategic sectors of the economy, while actively driving localization initiatives,” said Samuel Sarr, CEO of West African Energy. “Once completed, the project will also go a long way in reducing the cost of electricity in the country,” he added.

GE will supply two 9E.03 gas turbines, one STF-A200 steam turbine, three A39 generators, two Heat Recovery Steam Generators (HRSG) and additional balance of plant equipment as part of the project scope.

Cap des Biches combined-cycle gas turbine power plant is being developed by Senegal’s West African Energy and will be built by Turkish engineering, procurement, and construction (EPC) company, Calik Enerji. 

Samaritan’s Purse Strives to Diminish Malnutrition in Ethiopia

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The food crisis in Ethiopia has caused a spike in malnutrition and could get worse very soon. Samaritan’s Purse is airlifting supplemental food for children and families, which could solve the issue for thirty more days.

Samaritan’s Purse, an international Christian relief organization, is airlifting life-saving food to children suffering in northern Ethiopia. Months of internal conflict within the country have left millions without access to basic necessities. The situation is dire, and tens of thousands of children are at risk of acute malnutrition.

Today, Samaritan’s Purse is transporting 1,800 cases of ready-to-use supplemental food to Ethiopia’s affected areas—enough to meet the nutritional needs of 18,000 children for 30 days. This supplementary food is critical for children at risk of acute malnutrition because it is specially developed to contain the right nutrients and protein to ensure a child’s needs are met.

“Ethiopian families in Tigray are in trouble. They are struggling to feed their children after months of endless conflict depleted local resources,” said Franklin Graham, president of Samaritan’s Purse. “We are seeing extreme needs—children are malnourished, families are hungry, and millions are suffering. Please pray for these families—that we can reach the most vulnerable people with life-saving support, feed the hungry, and do it all in Jesus’ Name.”

Disaster response specialists are already on the ground in Tigray, working alongside local church partners and in coordination with the World Food Programme to meet people’s greatest needs. In addition to the airlift, Samaritan’s Purse is trucking in enough food parcels to feed 1,000 families for 30 days. These packages include rice, wheat flour, beans, oil, and salt.

The Changing Strategy and Direction Of National Oil Companies in the International Oil Market

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In the United States, the term “big oil companies” is likely to be taken to mean the major private international oil companies, largely based in Europe or America. However, while some of those companies are indeed among the largest in the world, by many important measures, a majority of the largest oil companies are state-owned, national oil companies. By conventional definitions, national oil companies hold the majority of petroleum reserves and produce the majority of the world’s supply of crude oil. Since national oil companies generally hold exclusive rights to exploration and development of petroleum resources within the home country, they also can decide on the degree to which they require participation by private companies in those activities.

The national oil companies typically do not operate strictly on the basis of market principles. Because of their close ties to the national government, in many cases their objectives might include wealth re-distribution, jobs creation, general economic development, economic and energy security, and vertical integration. Although these objectives might be desirable from the point of view of the nation’s government, they are unlikely to be equivalent to the maximization of shareholder value, the stated objective of the private international oil companies. Differing objectives might be considered to be important only if they lead to different characteristics and outcomes, which is the case for the national oil companies.

Many of these companies have been found to be inefficient, with relatively low investment rates. They tend to exploit oil reserves for short-term gain, possibly damaging oil fields, reducing the longer term production potential. Some also have limited access to international capital markets because of poor business practices and a lack of transparency in their business deals. High oil prices since late 2003 have masked the effect of some of these characteristics in the flow of oil revenues. However, if the price of oil moderates, the potential supply constraint related to the inefficient operations of the national oil companies may be a destabilizing factor in the world oil market.

A wide variety of policy directions can be taken to mitigate the potential challenge posed by the dominance of national oil companies. Demand management policy can reduce the U.S. dependence on imports. The U.S. government can use its political influence to try to encourage nations not to use national oil companies to forward the aims of the government, but to follow commercial practices to maximize revenue flows. An expanded supply of oil could be encouraged as a condition for trade and aid agreements in some cases. Finally, promoting international trade and recognized commercial practices could be encouraged.

The Market Position of National Oil Companies Rankings of companies can be accomplished using a number of different criteria. In the oil industry, based as it is on current production to generate current earnings and on reserve positions to ensure the future viability of the enterprise, several standards need to be applied to assess the evolving nature of the companies in the industry. Additionally, investment, in the form of exploration and development expenditures, serves as a link between the present and the future, ensuring an ongoing continuity for the company so that reserves are not unduly depleted by current activities. Consumers also have an interest in the structure and size of firms and their activities if the current production level, as well as the proved reserve position of the companies or industry, is declining. If current production declines in the face of growing world demand, it is likely that prices will rise, and the possibility of physical shortages will be heightened. If exploration and development expenditures are reduced because of problems encountered by some firms in accessing international capital markets, the relative scarcity of oil might increase, leading to higher future prices, as well as potentially restricted supply.

Objectives and Characteristics of National Oil Companies

The reserve and production positions of the national oil companies might be little cause for concern if the companies operated much like the private international oil companies, and state ownership was only a matter of how the stock shares of the company were held. However, it is likely that the objectives for many national oil companies, as well as the characteristics of their operations, differ from companies in the private sector of the oil industry.

Objectives

Privately held companies have the goal of maximizing shareholder value. The management of the company may accomplish that goal through organizing production so that a profit is made in the current time frame as well as in the future.

They also might make investment decisions to take advantage of opportunities to raise the company’s rate of return. They also have the motivation to achieve productive efficiency to hold down costs to enhance the profitability of any given revenue level. This activity is thought to benefit consumers by assuring that physical shortages are avoided and that the good is available at the lowest price consistent with demand and supply factors. In the oil industry, maximization of shareholder value is taken to mean that the value of oil resources should be maximized through managing production, exploration, and development activities to assure a functioning market. To ensure the long-term viability of the company, reserve replacement is necessary.

For the company to grow, it must have the ability to expand production and sales to meet demand growth in newly developing economies as well as in developed areas. Technical efficiency in all parts of the supply chain leads to cost minimization as well as improvements in product performance and environmental integrity. These values represent the average gasoline prices over the period 2002 to 2004 and compare to an average price of $2.10 in the United States for the same period. The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets, Introduction and Summary Conclusions, Presentation at the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy, Rice University, March 1, 2007. 8 Ibid. National oil companies do not necessarily follow the shareholder value maximization model alone. Since these companies are totally, or majority, owned by their national governments, maximizing the value of the company might have to compete with other, governmentally mandated objectives.

Although all national oil companies respond to their national governments to one degree or another, the amount of influence varies widely. The national oil companies of more developed nations, Statoil in Norway, and Petronas in Malaysia, for example, tend to follow a more commercially oriented strategy than the Nigerian National Petroleum Company, and Petroleos de Venezuela, where government objectives largely supplant commercial objectives, and the companies are under pressure to maximize the flow of funds to the national treasuries.

Wealth Distribution

National oil companies may be involved in redistributing the oil wealth of the nation to the society in general. This redistribution can be accomplished through fuel subsidies, employment policies, and social welfare programs among other programs. Fuel subsidies are common, reducing the price of gasoline in Venezuela to $0.11 per gallon, $0.21 per gallon in Iran, and $0.64 per gallon in Saudi Arabia.

In contrast, gasoline had an average price of $5.77 in Norway, one of the higher observed price levels in the world. While subsidized fuel prices reduce energy prices to the general population, enhance industrial and transportation resources, and protect the domestic economy from the damaging effects of volatile world petroleum prices, the downside is that they are very expensive in terms of lost potential revenues for the national oil company. The artificially low price encourages demand growth, corruption, inefficient use of fuels, and even arbitrage-based smuggling schemes. The expanded use of fuels domestically leads to reduced exports and tightens supply in world markets, leading to higher prices in the oil-importing countries. Examples of subsidy programs with these effects include those observed in Iran, Nigeria, and Indonesia among others.

Economic Development

National oil companies are also used by their governments as tools in the overall process of economic development. In some nations, the petroleum industry is the first large economic sector opened to the world economy. As such, the petroleum industry may be the first to introduce concepts of international investment contract and property law, as well as accepted accounting and financial standards, all necessary for economic development to proceed. The industry may serve as a conduit for technology transfers to the larger economy. Local content rules may be imposed to ensure the development of ancillary service businesses to spread development dollars.

The national oil company may also be required to supply subsidized fuels to industries targeted in the nations’ development plans. An example of the development responsibilities of a national oil company is in Kazakhstan, where KMG has clearly stated its aims. These objectives include integrating Kazakhstan into the world economy and ensuring that KMG’s growth and development translates into more general economic growth in the nation. National oil companies can also be used by their national governments as a tool to achieve foreign policy goals, leading to direct alliances as well as national oil company to national oil company ties that can pave the way to political relationships. Oil is a strategic commodity in the world economy, and its production and use can foster strategic relationships.

Energy Security

Broadly based energy security is among the objectives of the national oil companies. Security on the demand side means not allowing one consumer to become critical to the national oil company. For example, PDVSA has recently tried to direct its oil sales away from the United States in the hope of reducing U.S. economic influence, and as a way to develop other consuming markets for Venezuelan crude oil. However, in some cases technological factors make this strategy difficult. A long-standing relationship between an oil exporter and importer may lead to the investment in more-or-less specialized facilities that facilitate the use of the exporting nation’s oil. In the United States-Venezuela case, Venezuela produces relatively heavy crude oils, especially from the Orinoco basin projects.

The United States has refineries designed to use this crude oil. As Venezuela seeks to diversify its customer base, it must find locations with refinery capacity suited to its crude oil. In other cases, energy security objectives for national oil companies are defined in terms of security of supply. Supply security objectives in the well-functioning world oil market are usually defined in terms of the diversity of producers and the security of oil supply lanes. For some countries and their national oil companies, oil supply security means the ownership, or exclusive rights to, desired supplies of oil. Some analysts have identified China as a nation following this type of strategy. The attempted purchase of Unocal, the U.S. based oil and natural gas Company, by CNOOC in 2006 likely was of interest to the Chinese mainly to gain access to natural gas fields in Southeast Asia, controlled by Unocal.

Vertical Integration

Although national oil companies in oil-producing nations have their roots in upstream operations, some are striving to achieve vertical integration. On an economic level, vertical integration allows the national oil company to capture the value added from producing and selling petroleum products. PDVSA’s acquisition of Citgo in the United States provided refining as well as retail marketing outlets for Venezuelan oil. In addition, demand security was enhanced through gaining a position in the large U.S. gasoline market. In other cases, national oil companies might be able to gain access to markets otherwise not available to them. The national oil companies may also be able to achieve a greater degree of diversification and mitigation of risk through vertical integration. Oil prices have tended to be volatile. Profits may accrue to different parts of the supply chain at different times and during various market conditions. Vertical integration may enhance the ability of national oil companies to be profitable in changing markets.

Characteristics of National Oil Companies

Because national oil companies may be motivated by different objectives than private oil companies, their performance characteristics are also likely to be different. This might be of little consequence to consuming countries except that, in a tight oil market, the national oil companies may become an impediment to the smooth functioning of the world oil market in the future. Productive efficiency is normally defined as maximizing the output associated with any given level of inputs. Measuring productivity in the oil industry, compared to a typical manufacturing industry, is difficult because geological factors enter into the process on the input side and may not be controllable by management in the normal sense. However, comparative econometric productivity studies within the oil industry do exist.

Investment

Because of the demands of the government and national treasuries, national oil companies may have a shorter time horizon for operational decisions than the international oil companies. The national oil companies may have an undue focus on earning current revenues and maximizing current production.

This could result in mis-management of existing fields, which allows a smaller recovery percentage than theoretically possible, and a neglect of exploration and development. In the longer term, damage to the world oil market could be enhanced by the dominant position the national oil companies have in terms of potential reserve access.

For consumers, the national oil companies’ focus on current production may work to keep the world price of oil relatively lower in the near term. However, if the national oil companies ignore investment in exploration and development, it could mean higher oil prices in the future. Some estimates of the needs for oil industry investment total $16 trillion over 30 years.15 If the national oil companies do not undertake investment on this scale, and if they and their governments exclude the international oil companies from developing reserves in their countries, the world oil market could be supply-constrained in the future, and prices might be higher than if higher investment took place.

Access to Capital

The International Energy Agency has estimated that over the period 2001 to 2030, the world will need to invest $16 trillion in energy infrastructure to meet the needs of projected demand. The oil sector is expected to account for $3 trillion of the total. To accomplish this level of investment, it is likely that the industry will need to draw on many sources of financial capital. Since 2004, the international oil companies have had record-setting profit performances. This financial strength allows them substantial latitude in accessing financial resources. Because their own cash reserves have risen, internal financing has become a viable option. Because of their strong balance sheet and income statements, it is likely that they can access world capital markets for financing on relatively favorable terms.

National oil companies are in a weaker position with respect to the capital markets. Their relative inefficiency in turning oil into revenues as discussed in this report makes them less likely to receive favorable terms from international capital markets. Their obligations to the national treasury to finance domestic welfare programs, along with the below market price sale of their products at home, make it less likely that they will have access to enough retained internal earnings to finance optimal levels of exploration and development of oil resources.

To the extent that such companies experience a shortage of financial capital, it could result in higher prices and the potential for physical shortages in the future. If national oil companies do gain wide-spread access to the world financial markets, this might not only spur upstream capital investment but might also provide benefits to the companies and their interface with the global market. Compliance with international accounting standards, more business transparency, as well as certain basic standards of corporate responsibility might result from the national oil companies’ exposure to international financial markets.

Policy Analysis

Recognition of national oil companies’ growing dominance of the world oil market has led some experts to view this as an energy security issue. The growing strength of the national oil companies implies, at least in a relative sense, the diminished importance of the private international oil companies. This dynamic could transform the reaction of the market to demand and supply signals. Since a major thread of current policy toward oil is “let the market take care of it,” a change in the way the market works might call for significant adjustments in the policies of oil-consuming nations. Some of the policy options presented below have been extensively debated in the past as features of broadly based energy strategies, while others are controversial and would likely be difficult to implement. Others, such as the creation of a U.S. national oil company are extremely unlikely to be considered while the world oil market continues to function as a viable market.

Demand-Based Policy

The success of many economic policy measures designed to alter market outcomes requires consideration of likely actions by both those who demand the product as well as those who supply it. As a result, if oil-importing countries believe that the growing importance of national oil companies are a potential threat to their ability to gain access to desired supplies, not only should importers seek to change the behavior of national oil companies, but they might also change their own energy strategies. The key elements in such a demand-side policy are well known. They include diversifying the supply base, so that potential political problems are less likely to result in economic damage through reduced oil supply. In addition, conservation that reduces demand, or at least reduces the growth in demand, perhaps through taxes on imported oil or petroleum products, for example, might serve to reduce the potential influence that oil-based actions have on the domestic economy.

Supply-Based Policy

Oil importing nations might also use their political influence to try to encourage the national oil companies and their governments to alter their behaviors. The companies might be encouraged to improve their efficiency and respond to market signals more like privately owned firms. If the national oil companies find a need to access international capital markets more regularly, this result might be achieved as a natural result of exposure to the requirements of lenders. On a more political level, governments might try to encourage the governments of national oil companies to reduce their intervention in the operational decisions of the companies. This might be difficult to achieve in countries like Venezuela under the Chavez government, but progress likely can be made in more democratic environments. The clearest example might be Statoil and Norway, which operates largely on market principles.

Conclusion

As the world oil market changes its structure to include the growing importance of national oil companies, recognition of the likely consequences of this trend is an important first step in helping to secure oil supply. If the national oil companies hold the title to ever greater portions of actual and potential oil reserves, production, and exploration and development activities, and if they are relatively less capable of utilizing those resources, oil supplies are likely to be relatively constrained in the future. Given projections of demand growth of about 50% by 2030, constrained supply might imply sharply rising oil prices.

Venezuela provides an early example of how the political influence of a government can affect the supply of oil, disturb existing market partnerships, both with companies and with the United States, and forward the interests of U.S. competitors. The private international oil companies are unlikely to be able to counter national oil companies to preserve their own profit-seeking interests as well as those of the U.S. market, which requires adequate physical supply at moderate prices. Various policy directions are available to counter the effects of national oil companies, but the recognition that a potential problem exists, as well as a long-term commitment to any chosen policy direction, will likely be needed to minimize the threat to U.S. oil market stability and energy security.

South Africa Plans to Abolish Special Permits for Foreigners in order to Manage Migrant Influx

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South Africa is set to update its immigration policies and plans to abolish the majority of special visas for foreigners in order to manage an influx of economic migrants.

In a recent announcement, Home Affairs Minister Aaron Motsoaledi stated that a special dispensation allowing Zimbabweans to live and work in South Africa will expire at the end of this year and the government will not extend it.

In addition, similar concessions for about 90,000 people from neighboring Lesotho will expire in 2023 and will not be extended by the South African government. Residents of Angola no longer had access to permits as of August 2021.

In a recent interview, Motsoaledi stated that “we are not targeting any certain nationality.” He claimed that many economic migrants abused the Southern African country’s asylum laws by inventing justifications for leaving their home countries, and that upholding sovereign laws wasn’t anti-immigrant.

In the past two decades, people from all over the continent, especially those from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, have been drawn to the country in search of economic opportunities.

According to Motsoaledi, arrivals skyrocketed in 2008 as a result of a combination of the Zimbabwean economic collapse and the global financial crisis that drove mass migration. More than 300,000 people from Zimbabwe relocated to South Africa that year. Many received licenses that were renewed up to 2021.

South Africa is home to 60.6 million people including 4 million migrants. The country is still recovering from the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the beginning of 2022, the country has been experiencing its highest unemployment rate in decades.

The high rate of unemployment has led many local South Africans to resent foreigners whom they regard as rivals for scarce employment, medical care, and housing. As a result, the country has experienced sporadic xenophobic violence.

In a video that went viral on social media this week, Phophi Ramathuba, the chief of the health department in the bordering Zimbabwean province of Limpopo, chastised a Zimbabwean patient for seeking care in South Africa. According to her in the video, citizens of the neighboring nation place a “great load” on Limpopo’s medical services.

Ramathuba, a member of the ruling African National Congress, later told News24 that “nobody will be denied medical service” and reiterated that she stood by her remarks. However, the South African Medical Association expressed its dissatisfaction with the way Ramathuba treated the Zimbabwean patient.

In a statement in response to Ramathuba’s remarks, the South African Department of Health claimed that public hospitals and clinics are struggling to provide for the needs of locals due to an unpredictably high number of undocumented migrants seeking medical attention in the country.

The presence of foreign nationals in the country has become a contentious issue as South Africa prepares for the general elections of 2024, with political parties basing their campaigns on the issue. During a recent African National Congress policy conference, it was suggested that South Africa withdraw from the 1951 United Nations convention on refugees. The party claimed that the convention limits the government’s power to address the migration situation and that a new instrument needed to be created.

In the meantime, legal action has been taken against the government to challenge the legitimacy of the Zimbabwean exemption permit following its expiration. Approximately 178,000 recipients of the permits have until December 31 to either apply for a regular visa or depart South Africa.

According to the Daily Maverick, 6,000 holders of Zimbabwean Exemption Permits have so far petitioned the Department of Home Affairs not to revoke their documents.